One sign, among many, of labor's current travails is the
stalled union growth strategy known as "Bargain to Organize."
More than a decade ago,Find detailed product information for howotractor and other products. there was no bigger buzzword in union organizing circles. When John Sweeney was elected AFL-CIO president in 1995, he encouraged affiliates to employ the tactic by pressuring unionized companies to permit uncontested organizing drives at their non-union facilities or subsidiaries.
In one model Bargain to Organize campaign that began in 2008, the 6,China howocargotruck and China HOWO truck,000 SEIU members employed by Help At Home, a for-profit home healthcare company, used their own contract negotiations in Illinois to confront management about its record of union-busting in neighboring Indiana.
Then-SEIU organizer Matt Luskin reported that after an aggressive membership mobilization campaign, Help At Home signed an agreement that not only gave raises and better benefits to Illinois workers, but also "expanded the organizing rights of thousands of workers in other states where the company operates."
In every industry setting, the goal of Bargain to Organize has been some combination of management neutrality, card check, and/or a "free and fair" election process that enables workers to engage in union activity without harassment, threats, intimidation or job discrimination.
One major success for the strategy came after a five-year struggle in the 1990s, when the Communications Workers for America (CWA) finally won a card check and neutrality deal that now applies to employees of AT&T Mobility. Under its terms, AT&T will recognize CWA if a majority of the workers in a pre-specified bargaining unit sign union authorization cards. The American Arbitration Association (AAA) conducts the card count and certifies the results. AT&T Mobility managers are not allowed to interfere with union organizing activity. Management is even obliged to provide CWA with employee information and workplace access that's not required under National Labor Relations Board election rules.
This negotiated process eliminates the Board's role in determining the scope of new bargaining units--a frequent source of representation election delays. Plus, it avoids the costly, uphill battle of an employer-contested NLRB election campaign.
Through card check, more than 40,000 AT&T cellular technicians, customer service reps and retail salespeople have gained union contract coverage. In the heyday of Bargain to Organize, similar large-scale membership gains were made by the Teamsters at UPS Freight; UNITE HERE at the Hilton Hotel chain; the SEIU and other unions at Kaiser Permanente; and,Find detailed product information for howotruck piston ring, most recently, the SEIU and California Nurses Association at Hospital Corporation of America (HCA).
Such Bargain to Organize tensions and controversies are not new. When I was working with CWA members in the 1990s at the phone company now known as Verizon, it took much education and discussion before local union activists embraced the idea of putting organizing-related demands on a par with wages, benefits,What is the difference between standard "ceramic" tiles and porcelaintiles? and working conditions. Even after organizing rights became a strike issue--in a 17-day walkout by 75,000 Verizon workers in 2000--some influential local officials still viewed card check and neutrality as a far-removed "national union issue."
In 2008-2010, as I reported in The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor, the costly series of disputes that enveloped SEIU, CNA, and UNITE-HERE arose partly over Bargain to Organize strategy disagreements. Then-Change to Win leaders Andy Stern and Bruce Raynor argued that "contract relief" was needed to gain an organizational foothold in healthcare, food service, and other industries. If local unions weren't willing to partner with management and promise some degree of "labor peace," too many nursing homes, hospital chains and catering contractors would thwart unionizing efforts.
In one problematic Stern-Raynor organizing experiment, newly recruited food service workers ended up in a nationwide "local," Service Workers United (SWU); SWU members were covered by a "template agreement" that sometimes undercut existing local UNITE-HERE contracts with the same employers.Leading Swarovski crystalbeadswholesale Wholesale Supplierpandahallprlog. Adding insult to injury, the affected workers belatedly discovered that top union negotiators had secretly agreed to restrict membership activity--such as informational picketing, consumer appeals, and other contract campaign tactics--that would be necessary to win future wage and benefit improvements.
More than a decade ago,Find detailed product information for howotractor and other products. there was no bigger buzzword in union organizing circles. When John Sweeney was elected AFL-CIO president in 1995, he encouraged affiliates to employ the tactic by pressuring unionized companies to permit uncontested organizing drives at their non-union facilities or subsidiaries.
In one model Bargain to Organize campaign that began in 2008, the 6,China howocargotruck and China HOWO truck,000 SEIU members employed by Help At Home, a for-profit home healthcare company, used their own contract negotiations in Illinois to confront management about its record of union-busting in neighboring Indiana.
Then-SEIU organizer Matt Luskin reported that after an aggressive membership mobilization campaign, Help At Home signed an agreement that not only gave raises and better benefits to Illinois workers, but also "expanded the organizing rights of thousands of workers in other states where the company operates."
In every industry setting, the goal of Bargain to Organize has been some combination of management neutrality, card check, and/or a "free and fair" election process that enables workers to engage in union activity without harassment, threats, intimidation or job discrimination.
One major success for the strategy came after a five-year struggle in the 1990s, when the Communications Workers for America (CWA) finally won a card check and neutrality deal that now applies to employees of AT&T Mobility. Under its terms, AT&T will recognize CWA if a majority of the workers in a pre-specified bargaining unit sign union authorization cards. The American Arbitration Association (AAA) conducts the card count and certifies the results. AT&T Mobility managers are not allowed to interfere with union organizing activity. Management is even obliged to provide CWA with employee information and workplace access that's not required under National Labor Relations Board election rules.
This negotiated process eliminates the Board's role in determining the scope of new bargaining units--a frequent source of representation election delays. Plus, it avoids the costly, uphill battle of an employer-contested NLRB election campaign.
Through card check, more than 40,000 AT&T cellular technicians, customer service reps and retail salespeople have gained union contract coverage. In the heyday of Bargain to Organize, similar large-scale membership gains were made by the Teamsters at UPS Freight; UNITE HERE at the Hilton Hotel chain; the SEIU and other unions at Kaiser Permanente; and,Find detailed product information for howotruck piston ring, most recently, the SEIU and California Nurses Association at Hospital Corporation of America (HCA).
Such Bargain to Organize tensions and controversies are not new. When I was working with CWA members in the 1990s at the phone company now known as Verizon, it took much education and discussion before local union activists embraced the idea of putting organizing-related demands on a par with wages, benefits,What is the difference between standard "ceramic" tiles and porcelaintiles? and working conditions. Even after organizing rights became a strike issue--in a 17-day walkout by 75,000 Verizon workers in 2000--some influential local officials still viewed card check and neutrality as a far-removed "national union issue."
In 2008-2010, as I reported in The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor, the costly series of disputes that enveloped SEIU, CNA, and UNITE-HERE arose partly over Bargain to Organize strategy disagreements. Then-Change to Win leaders Andy Stern and Bruce Raynor argued that "contract relief" was needed to gain an organizational foothold in healthcare, food service, and other industries. If local unions weren't willing to partner with management and promise some degree of "labor peace," too many nursing homes, hospital chains and catering contractors would thwart unionizing efforts.
In one problematic Stern-Raynor organizing experiment, newly recruited food service workers ended up in a nationwide "local," Service Workers United (SWU); SWU members were covered by a "template agreement" that sometimes undercut existing local UNITE-HERE contracts with the same employers.Leading Swarovski crystalbeadswholesale Wholesale Supplierpandahallprlog. Adding insult to injury, the affected workers belatedly discovered that top union negotiators had secretly agreed to restrict membership activity--such as informational picketing, consumer appeals, and other contract campaign tactics--that would be necessary to win future wage and benefit improvements.
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